02 Jul 1997 - 04 Apr 1999


  1. gde.smo (1257)
  2. jugoslavija (232)
  3. ex.yu (28)
  4. srbija (1557)
  5. svet (276)
  6. ljudska.prava (811)
  7. mediji (254)
  8. trač (200)
  9. devojke (2918)
  10. iseljenje (95)
  11. vesti (1027)
  12. razno (414)

Messages - ex.yu

ex.yu.1 sav.gacic,
Širi naš zavičaj. Proketa i nikad ne prežaljena, majka i maćeha, ljubljena i omražena... od Vardara pa do Triglava...
ex.yu.2 chill,
Ima li neko slike U2-a sa koncerta u Sarajevu?
ex.yu.3 legolas,
**Ima li neko slike U2-a sa koncerta u Sarajevu? Da ne bi možda onu gde poklanja Aliji knjigu?
ex.yu.4 dzakic,
> Ima li neko slike U2-a sa koncerta u Sarajevu? Može jedna pokretna?
ex.yu.5 sav.gacic,
Tragom vesti: Vlada Republike Srpske (RS) uputila je otvoreno pismo šefu misije OEBS-a u BiH Robertu Froviku u kojem je iznela primedbe povodom izjava nekih zvaničnika medjunarodne zajednice u vezi sa rezultatima parlamentarnih izbora, koji će zvanično biti saopšteni do 10. decembra. Kao posebno štetnu i tendencioznu, vlada je ocenila izjavu visokog predstavnika za BiH Karlosa Vestendorpa i njegovu čestitku Srpskom narodnom savezu Biljane Plavšić na 20 osvojenih mandata u Skupštini RS. Postaje li naklonost i podrška Biljani Plavšić i njenoj partiji prenaglašena, a odatle i kontraproduktivna? Na nedavnim parlaemntarnim izborima u Republici Srpskoj, po rezultatima objavljenim na Palama, nacionalno-patriotske snage (SDS+SRS) su i pored određenog opadanja u procentima održale ukupnu većinu u Parlamentu, uprkos značajnom rezultatu debitanta SNS Biljane Plavšić i solidnom plasmanu SPS. U misiji OEBS za sada se uzdržavaju od izjava dok ne pristignu glasovi iz inostranstva. O poverenju najbolje svedoče "preventivna" pisma paljanskog rukjovodstva izbornoj centrali u Beču o nepostojanju valjane dokumentacije za 45.000 od 65.000 glasova iz inostranstva. U saopštenjima vrha SDS naveliko se govori o predstojećem "izbornom inženjeringu".
ex.yu.6 dr.iivan,
ABC A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans There are countless explanations for the volatility of the "Balkan Powderkeg." Historians variously blame disputes over resources, ancient hatreds or meddling by Great Powers intent on keeping the region unstable. But geography is also a powerful clue: Lying south of the Danube river, the Balkans region, like Afghanistan, is composed of scarce fertile valleys, separated by high mountains that fragment the area's ethnic groups, even though many have similar languages and origins. There are countries in the world where political citizenship doesn't mean anything; it's ethnic identity that matters. Basques bomb Spanish police stations, agitating for their own state. Whites and blacks squabble over resources in post-apartheid South Africa, and even in wealthy Canada, a French-speaking separatist movement is gaining strength in Quebec. But it's the Balkans that we think of when a nation splinters apart. It's the Balkans; mainly Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia; that took center stage for the U.S. and other major powers for much of this decade, and they may do so in the next. "Balkanization"; the term was coined back in 1912, amid similar chaos; terrifies the industrialized world. Ethnic civil wars can mean skyrocketing inflation, currency crises or increased tensions as neighbors watch nervously, or take sides. A collapse of Bosnia's shaky peace accord could send streams of refugees into Europe, prompt Iran to protect local Muslims or pit NATO allies against each other in a regional war. The 1995 peace agreement reached in Dayton, Ohio was one of the most elaborate and impressive diplomatic efforts ever. But ethnic divisions in Bosnia remain strong. The Muslim government won't let displaced Serbs return home, and Croat and Serb officials return the favor, leaving millions with nothing from the peace. Indicted war criminals Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic still walk free, with cheering supporters, and few of the multi-ethnic town councils mandated by Dayton have actually met. It may well be impossible to fix the Balkan problem, and others like it around the world. But the first step is to understand how the problem started, and why people disillusioned by centuries of ever-changing borders see only one solution: an ethnic homeland. "We don't have a deep appreciation of peoples who base their national identities on ethnicity," says Dr. Bob Donnorummo, a Balkan expert at the Universitiy of Pittsburgh. "We have to be aware that these people don't want to live together." Terence Nelan
ex.yu.7 dr.iivan,
ABC A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans Who's Who in the Balkans? Serbia Ratko Mladic - Bosnian Serb General Biljana Plavsic - Bosnian Serb President Slobodan Milosevic - Serbian President Arkan - Serbian Ethnic Cleanser Bosnia Alija Izetbegovic - Bosnian Muslim President Radovan Karadzic - Former Bosnian Serb Leader Momcilo Krajisnik - Bosnia-Herz. President Yugoslavia Josip Broz Tito - Yugoslavian Communist Leader Croatia Franjo Tudjman - Croatian President Montenegro Milo Djukanovic - Montenegro President USA Robert Gelbard - US Envoy Richard Holbrooke - Dayton Negotiator Arkan Arkan is living proof that you can get away with murder. Leader of a Serbian paramilitary group, Zeljko Raznatovic (his real name) became one of the most notorious men in the Balkans, credited with practically inventing modern "ethnic cleansing." "To the rest of the world," writes former U.S. Balkan envoy Richard Holbrooke in his book To End A War, "Arkan was a racist fanatic run amok, but many Serbs regarded him as a hero. His private army, the Tigers, had committed some of the war's worst atrocities." Milso Vlasic, an expert on the Yugoslavian military, charges that all of the paramilitary killers were "organized with the consent of Milosevic's secret police and armed, commanded, and controlled by its officers." Before the Bosnian war, Arkan was famous for his criminal exploits: he robbed banks, having been imprisoned in and escaped from jails in several European countries. Some say his success at breaking jail was a result of his other assassin for the Yugoslav Secretariat of Internal Affairs. He recently married a Serbian pop singer in a costly wedding and now sits on the Yugoslavian Parliament. Milo Djukanovic The new Montenegran President Milo Djukanovic is a young, Western-style reformer known to send his powerful Serbian neighbor, Slobodan Milosevic, into fits of rage. Since the other republics seceded, leaving only a union of Serbia and Montenegro to call themselves "Yugoslavia," Serbia has expected its tiny southern neighbor to do what it was told. No longer. Somewhat isolated by their mountainous land, Djukanovic's people have always been both part of the Serbian brotherhood and proud of their independent Montenegran heritage. When Djukanovic beat Milosevic ally President Momir Bulatovic at the polls last January, Bulatovic organized a riot in which 8,000 protesters threw rocks, bottles and hand-made bombs at police, injuring 40 people. Angry U.S. officials told Milosevic that orchestrating violence would keep sanctions on Yugoslavia in place, and they warned that Djukanovic's inauguration had better be peaceful. Despite rumors of a coup attempt, it was. But his administration has been jarred by conflict with Milosevic ever since. The Serbian leader refuses to recognize Djukanovic as president and continues to try to assert control over Montenegran affairs by witholding tax revenue, customs dues, even car license plates. Montenegro insists it is a sovereign state that merely handed over certain specific powers to the Yugoslav federation. Montenegrans, made uncomfortable already by the fighting in nearby Kosovo, increasingly talk of a push for total independence. Robert Gelbard The phrase "crisis narrowly averted" could have been coined for Robert Gelbard. As the U.S. government's Balkan envoy, his job, essentially, is to board a plane for the region each time a political brush fire threatens to become a conflagration. Gelbard is well qualified after years of foreign service posts in Latin America, where he has had to negotiate or bully local strongmen with ranging ambitions or ties to the drug trade. In his new role, in the Balkans just weeks ago, Gelbard used a bad-cop tactic with Yugoslavian leader Slobodan Milosevic, hinting at U.S. force if the Serbian failed to calm violence in Kosovo. In fall 1997, Gelbard urged Croatian President Franjo Tudjman to hand over a 12 war-crimes suspects to the UN War Crimes Tribunal. The reward would be U.S. financial aid. But Tudjman wanted guaranteed leniency for the defendants. "It's better that they surrender," Gelbard, who would succeed, told the Croatian leader. "That way they won't be killed." Richard Holbrooke Then-U.S. Balkan envoy Richard Holbrooke was the chief architect of the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords that ended the war in Bosnia. In three years of nearly constant trips to the region, he literally cajoled, threatened and bullied Serbian Slobodan Milosevic, Bosnian Muslim Alija Izetbegovic and Croatian Franjo Tudjman to the negotiating table. Although Holbrooke drew criticism for his tactics and self-promotion, his approach seems to have been right for the Balkans. After watching years of war, the U.S. fi nally backed a Croatian and Muslim attack that, along with a series of punishing NATO air strikes, drove Bosnian Serbs back into Eastern Bosnia. By that time, Holbrooke had become the U.S. diplomatic point man, pushing the Bosnian Muslims, Serbs and Croats into the deal that ended the worst ethnic violence in Europe since World War II. Holbrooke, 57, is now the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, and is considered a lead contender for Secretary of State if Al Gore wins the presidency in the year 2000. But he still keeps an eye on the Balkans. Recently, he and Balkan Envoy Robert Gelbard went back to try to convince Milosevic and his ethnic Albanian opponents to call off the violence in Kosovo, but they haven't succeeded yet. Alija Izetbegovic Alija Izetbegovic doesn't scare easily. Since he was elected president of Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992, he has coped with Bosnian Serb armed forces, Croat militias, brutal attempts to exterminate his Muslim people and a seemingly indifferent international community, all during a 44-month long civil war. In fact, Izetbegovic, who is at least 70, experienced much of the war firsthand while living in besieged Sarajevo for three-and-a-half years as Serbian gunners shelled the city almost daily. In 1995, when the smoke cleared, Izetbegovic was still at the head of the Bosnian government, and he played a significant role in the negotiations that produced the Dayton peace accords. That deal, signed with Croatian president Franjo Tudjman and Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic, gave 51 percent of Bosnia-Herzegovina to a Muslim-Croat federation and the remainder to the Serb Republic. The agreement also set up a collective presidency for the country. In September, 1996 elections, Izetbegovic won the Muslim seat of that presidency. An otherwise scholarly lawyer who once went to jail during Yugoslavia's Communist period for supporting an "Islamic Declaration," Izetbegovic still fields Serb accusations that he intends to establish a Muslim theocracy in Europe. "Our home is in Europe and not in any fundamentalist state," he says. "My aim is to have an independent, democratic republic." Radovan Karadzic Ask the Serbs who Radovan Karadzic is, and you might hear that he's a poet, a former psychiatrist and a Serbian patriot. Ask Bosnian Muslims or Croats, and you'll hear a different story. Karadzic, the former leader of the Bosnian Serbs, was indicted for war crimes in 1995 and has been an international fugitive since. Instantly recognizable by his shock of unruly hair, he was born in 1945 in the mountains of Montenegro, the son of a "Chetnik," or Serbian nationalist guerrilla. As a young man, Karadzic moved to Sarajevo, where he published books of poetry and eventually became the official psychiatrist to the Sarajevo national soccer team. When Yugoslavia broke apart after Tito's death, Karadzic leapt into politics. By July of 1990, he had become head of the Serbian Democratic Party, a Bosnian Serb organization. The move stunned his contemporaries, since he had shown scant inclination toward nationalism before. But Karadzic emerged as o ne of the leading and most memorable extremists. With General Ratko Mladic, he masterminded offensives during the Bosnian war that contributed to the deaths of at least 200,000 people. Although Biljana Plavsic is now the Bosnian Serb president and Karadzic maintains a far lower profile, the former leader still wields considerable power. Since his indictment by the UN War Crimes Tribunal, he has surrounded himself with about a hundred armed bodyguards and frequently eluded capture. And if UN forces do arrest him, he might escape official punishment. "There is probably no evidence usable in the public trial that he ordered those crimes," says Michael Scharf, a former State Department legal adviser. "It is going to be difficult to convict Karadzic." Don't expect recantations: In 1971, Karadzic wrote a poem called "Let's Go Down to the Town and Kill Some Scum." Momcilo Krajisnik Momcilo Krajisnick, a dour man with oft-caricatured eyebrows, makes the West rather nervous. Currently, he is the president of the post-Dayton collective presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, filling a post that rotates among Serbs, Croats and Muslims. He is also one of former Bosnian Serb hardline leader Radovan Karadzic's closest allies and served as parliamentary speaker in the Bosnian Republika Srpska during the war. Western diplomats have alleged that Krajisnick and Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic also run a brisk black market monopoly on gasoline and cigarettes (among other things) in Serbian Bosnia that earns them millions of dollars, while simultaneously robbing the Government of tax revenue. Slobodan Milosevic Slobodan Milosevic, called the "Butcher of the Balkans" by some and revered as a hero by others, was born on August 29, 1941, just as World War II was tearing the Balkans apart. Fifty years later, he was the leader of a Serbian state, bringing war and chaos back to the region as he tried to expand his borders to include all Serbs in an ethnic superstate. Milosevic is only the most recent of many Serbian leaders to harbor that ambition. Serbs still tell and retell stories of their medieval state's glory and its crushing, death-before-surrender defeat to Turks at the Battle of Kosovo in 1389. But Milosevic and his predecessors had the same problem: Serbs live intermingled with other ethnic groups, in other countries unwilling to hand over large chunks of land. Tito's Communist regime kept Serbia divided into several provinces and suppressed Serb secessionist threats with military prowess. Milosevic grew up in this environment, graduating from Belgrade University with a law degree, joining Yugoslavia's Communist Party, and heading both the state gas extraction company and the country's central bank. He was the leader of the Belgrade Communist Party from 1978 to 1982, and in 1987 he rose to head of the Serbian Communist Party. When Yugoslavia began to collapse in the 1990s (see timeline), Milosevic deftly reinvented himself. Harnessing the political power of long-suppressed Serb nationalism, he became leader of Serbia, where he used the Yugoslav army to support Serbian populat ions and militias in Croatia and Bosnia during the 44-month long civil war there. Milosevic, nicknamed "Slobo," has repeatedly drawn accusations of sponsoring so-called "ethnic cleansing." Meanwhile, Serbia's economy has dragged under sweeping international sanctions. Yet, unrattled and extremely popular among Serbs, he seems to have no intention of altering his course or relinquishing power. Ratko Mladic "Why would Serbs want to rape Muslim women?" General Ratko Mladic asks in the documentary film Calling the Ghosts. "They're too ugly." These days, stubborn, bull-necked Mladic, the wartime commander of the Bosnian Serb forces and an indicted war criminal, stays holed up in his heavily guarded headquarters, complicating any attempt to arrest him. (NATO has orders bring him in on sight.) How hard would it be? The bunker he hides in was originally designed to protect Yugoslavian leader Tito from a nuclear attack. Mladic, who like fellow fugitive Radovan Karadzic remains popular among Serbs, swears that he committed no war crimes during his leadership of Bosnian Serb forces during the 44-month civil war. "I am just a man who defends his people," he said last year, claiming that Croatians and Muslims started the war against Serbs and should be condemned by the international community. He's not a subtle man. In July, 1995, Mladic had aides slice a pig open in front of Dutch peacekeepers and told them, "This is what we're going to do to the Muslims." At least one Muslim escapee from the town of Srebrenica, where as many as 8,000 Muslims were killed by Serbian forces, says he saw the general watching a mass execution. In a 1995 interview with Time, he said, "We cannot accept the occupation of any square millimeter of Serb land. We didn't begin this war, and we didn't declare this war. The war was begun and declared on us by the same people who in 1914 and 1941, togeth er with the Austro-Hungarian empire and German fascists, joined against the Serbs." Biljana Plavsic Biljana Plavsic was something of a shock to the Bosnian Serbs. Taking Radovan Karadzic's place in the leadership, she started her presidency with Serb power brokers expecting her to be pliable. They were wrong. Plavsic, although by no means a close ally of the West, keeps her own counsel. She has little affection for Karadzic, with whom she is constantly feuding. Her campaign aims to discredit such Serb hardliners by accusing the wartime leaders of getting rich through profiteering, corruption and black market deals while their people suffered. Although he is officially retired, her predecessor remains tremendously powerful. Karadzic recently releasing a long public letter to his followers, demanding that they block the formation of Plavsic's latest government. This is not the kind of help she needs. Terribly short of money, the Bosnian Serb state has been unable to pay for pensions, government salaries or the day-to-day work of schools and hospitals. And Western diplomats say that privation is eroding the support she has. Meanwhile, hundreds of millions of dollars in reconstruction and development aid are waiting for delivery to Bosnian Serbs. But others in the Bosnian Serb leadership refuse to abide by conditions of the Dayton accord, which call for a united Bosnia and the return of more than a million displaced people to their homes in the Bosnian Serb republic. As a result, aid to the Serbs has been withheld for the fiscal years 1996, 1997 and 1998. An infusion of money to Plavsic's government could bolster her popularity and show Serbs that there were benefits to cooperation with the international peace effort. It could also backfire in a subsequent election, should she be labeled a Western pawn. Josip Broz Tito Josip Broz, better known as Tito, ran Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1980. After spending the World War II years leading his partisans in their battle against German occupiers, the Croatian Ustasha, and the royalist Chetnik guerrillas, Tito found hims elf the sole ruler of Yugoslavia. Intending to avoid the brutal ethnic infighting that characterized the war, Tito was determined that Yugoslavia would be both multinational and Marxist-Leninist. But since the charismatic leader was unwilling to part with any of his hard-won authority, Yugoslavia also became a personal dictatorship and a one-party state. His death in May, 1980, ended Yugoslavian stability overnight. Instead of pushing the country toward a multi-party democracy, or even selecting an authoritarian heir, Tito had arranged for an inherently unstable rotating presidency. Leaders were selected by the assemblies of Yugoslavia's six republics and two autonomous regions, in a system that created conflict, constitutional deadlock and political paralysis. Franjo Tudjman Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, the self-proclaimed "father of the nation," has held the post since Croatia's first multi-party elections in 1990. He was re-elected in June, 1997, for a third five-year term. Croatians had good reason to back him. Under Tudjman, Croatia regained control of the Krajina region after Serbian occupation. Inflation has been low, and the national economy has finally stabilized and begun to grow. For such reasons, Croatians are willing to overlook the fact that their president sometimes acts more like a king. His personal guard sports elaborate uniforms designed by the Zagreb ballet company. At state events, he is surrounded by a mounted guard of the country's top horsemen, and every time he appears in public, a general in uniform stands a correct few feet behind him. At Tudjman's palace, the daily schedule proceeds according to elaborate court protocol and receives attentive coverage on the state-controlled evening news. There are no official "meetings" with Tudjman; instead, "audiences" are "granted." But Tudjman's popularity in Croatia has deep roots. In the 1960s, he left the privileged life in the Yugoslav Communist Party to become an academic and a Croatian nationalist who issued stinging critiques of Yugoslavia's human rights violations. Tito repaid him with years in prison. Tudjman's defense of the Ustasha, the fascist party that slaughtered, killed and forcibly converted thousands of Serbs during World War II, still enrages Serbs today. They may be gratified that he probably won't last much longer. The 77-year-old has stomach cancer, and public attention is squarely focused on jostling among his would-be successors.
ex.yu.8 dr.iivan,
ABC A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans Aftermath of a 'Shotgun Wedding' Can the Peace Treaty Last? By Terence Nelan As the casualties mounted in Bosnia three years ago, the U.S. and Europe could no longer ignore outcries to step in and end the fighting. But they also wanted to avoid entanglement in a bloody Balkan war. And most European leaders, as well as NATO and the U.S. military, thought attacking to force peace was a terrible idea. Finally, they acted. In August, 1995, NATO planes launched more than 500 air strikes on Bosnian Serb targets. The result of that campaign, plus masterly U.S. diplomacy and a military pushback by Serbian enemies, was a previously unthinkable peace agreement three months later in Dayton, Ohio. Still, it was a shotgun wedding. What worked in the heat of negotiations - U.S. Envoy Richard Holbrooke's notorious arm-twisting and the threat of more air strikes should Dayton fail - provided little guarantee of a united future for Serbs, Croats and Muslims who had tried to force each other from their lands for centuries. "You may kill half of us, but you better watch out, because the other half will still be left." - Serbian woman soldier on the front lines, 1993 Although NATO forces (including 8,000 U.S. troops) remain in Bosnia to keep the peace, Dayton provisions are routinely ignored by all sides. National and local elections took place, but few of the multi-ethnic town councils have actually met. The men and women who run the Muslim-Croat federation have said they simply don't trust each other very much, and they trust the Bosnian Serbs with whom they now theoretically share a country - even less. Antipathy, Not Synergy The result: almost none of the state institutions intended to work jointly with the Serbian republic actually operate, while the central authority is too weak to enforce any cooperation. And since the Muslims, Croats and Serbs barely communicate, it is unsurprising that they do not enforce provisions that require free passage across borders for Bosnian citizens. All three sides forbid former refugees to return to their homes. Ironically, the stalemates could have more to do with the Dayton principles that have been followed than with the ones that have been ignored. "Dayton was a brilliantly negotiated agreement to support a dubious objective," says General Charles G. Boyd, former Deputy Commander in Chief, U.S. European Command. "It created a nation where no common sense of national community existed, so as to provide an economically viable entity in which the Muslim population of Bosnia could not only survive but flourish." Majority Rules? But Dayton's framers, unwilling to separate ethnic groups geographically, included the Serbs and the Croats in that state, even though still have no desire to live as minorities in a state dominated by Muslims. They have already gone to war once to avoid it. As long as the troops remain, the cease-fire will likely hold. But if the thousands of NATO soldiers leave, the conflict could reignite—because of the Dayton treaty, not despite it.
ex.yu.9 dr.iivan,
ABC A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans Your Questions We'd like to thank our readers for the hundreds of e-mails we received in response to our Balkan's package. Some were complimentary, some were critical and others raised questions. Below is a representative sample of questions with our answers. We'll add more as we can. Were the Balkans at one time part of the now-defunct Soviet Union? - G Ballard No. The Balkans, which were largely encompassed by the former Yugoslavia, did not even share a border with the former Soviet Union. Although the former Yugoslavia was a communist state, its ruler, Josip Broz Tito, broke with Soviet leader Josef Stalin in 1948, when he refused to become a Soviet satellite. Yugoslavia successfully remained outside the orbit of Soviet control while maintaining good relations with the West. What is Macedonia's role in the current conflict? Is it being overrun by refugees? Is the population made up of Serbs and Muslims? When did Macedonia become self-governing? Did Tito also run the Macedonian region? - J.D. Miller I noticed that the account of the civil war given in your timeline fails to mention when and how Macedonia became a separate nation. Would you please describe to me this aspect of recent events? - Jim Kuemmerle Macedonia has managed to steer clear of the most recent Balkan upheavals, but a full-fledged rebellion in Kosovo could easily draw Macedonia into the fray. UN officials, who have posted peacekeepers at the border, fear Yugoslav troops could pursue Macedonian Albanians across it, encounter a Macedonian army unit and open fire. The nation’s 2 million people are 66.5 percent Slavic Macedonian, 22.9 percent ethnic Albanian, 4 percent Turkish, 3 percent gypsy and 2 percent Serb. Macedonia gained its independence peacefully from Yugoslavia in 1992 and was indeed once ruled by Tito. I have a hard time accepting that Catholics would do this. Are Serbians Orthodox Catholics? And how can someone be a Bosnian-Serb? Wouldn't you be Bosnian or a Serb? I didn't understand the distinction between the two. - Jennifer Dougherty Serbians are predominantly Eastern Orthodox, Croats are predominantly Catholic and Muslims are, of course, Muslim. And each group, regardless of their respective religions, has blood on its hands. The Balkans are an ethnically complex region, where borders do not - and in fact rarely do - coincide with a given nation of people. Despite the "ethnic cleansing" practiced by all sides during the recent war, the region remains an ethnic stew, and some groups, like the so-called Krajina Serbs, have lived in Croatia since 1690. Bosnia-Herzegovina, for instance, is 44 percent Muslim, 31 percent Serb, 17 percent Croat, and another 8 percent of other ethnic groups. The term Bosnian Serb denotes an ethnic Serb from Bosnia. What was Tito's basic ingredient of success in establishing ethnic peace in Yugoslavia? - Jan Van der Schaar It's often said that during Tito's rule, Yugoslavia had six republics, five nations, four languages, three religions, two alphabets and one party - the Communist party. The son of a Croatian father and a Slovene mother, Tito believed and enforced the idea of a Yugoslav nation, a diverse collection of peoples where all ethnic groups and religions were respected, but where nationalism was not tolerated. And like many Communist leaders, Tito - who was determined to avoid a repeat of the ethnic bloodshed during World War II - kept a lid on simmering ethnic tensions by ruling with an iron hand and a liberal use of his secret police.
ex.yu.10 ventura,
> Serbia > > Ratko Mladic - Bosnian Serb General > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > Biljana Plavsic - Bosnian Serb President > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ > Slobodan Milosevic - Serbian President > Arkan - Serbian Ethnic Cleanser > > > Bosnia > > Alija Izetbegovic - Bosnian Muslim President > Radovan Karadzic - Former Bosnian Serb Leader > Momcilo Krajisnik - Bosnia-Herz. President Ovaj se razume u balkan ko' moja baba u kompjutere
ex.yu.11 supers,
>> > Ratko Mladic - Bosnian Serb General >> > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ >> > Biljana Plavsic - Bosnian Serb President >> > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ >> Ovaj se razume u balkan ko' moja baba u kompjutere Ma, najbolje je Arkanovo zanimanje prema dotičnom tekstu: etnički čistač.
ex.yu.12 noay,
>>Ma, najbolje je Arkanovo zanimanje prema doticnom tekstu: etnicki >>cistac. Zvuchi kao proizvod za teleshop ;>
ex.yu.13 zeljkoj,
Videh u jednoj trafici Zmaj-Iskra baterije. Na njima piše: Made in EC.
ex.yu.14 legolas,
>>Videh u jednoj trafici Zmaj-Iskra baterije. Na njima pise: Made in EC. Ja ih imam i nisu lose. Nisam ni video kad sam kupovao sta sam kupio ;) Nemojte me podsecati na onu: Cime se glup ponosi, pametan se stidi...
ex.yu.15 zeljkoj,
>>> Videh u jednoj trafici Zmaj-Iskra baterije. Na njima pise: > Made in EC. > > Ja ih imam i nisu lose. Nisam ni video kad sam kupovao sta sam Ma ok, ali poenta je u onome "EC". Računaju da su ih već primili... A mi nismo ni u ujedinjenim nacijama. ;(
ex.yu.16 sani.,
}} A mi nismo ni u ujedinjenim nacijama. ;( Smatram za izuzetnu chast , to sto nismo deo te bagre tamo.
ex.yu.17 zeljkoj,
> Smatram za izuzetnu chast , to sto nismo deo te bagre tamo. Kiselo je groždje, a? ;)
ex.yu.18 kum.djole,
Umro Franjo Tudjman.
ex.yu.19 gligo,
> Umro Franjo Tudjman. Otkud ti ovo? Obisao sam sve sajtove od hrvatskih preko americkih i britanskih, a nigde ni traga od ove vesti.
ex.yu.20 kum.djole,
> Otkud ti ovo? Nemam dokaze, na žalost. Izvinjavam se što ovo nisam stavio u 'trač' ali čuo sam da je tu vest rano jutros objavio HTV.. U poslednjih par dana aktivnost u državnom vrhu Hrvatske je preuzeo zamenik predsednika i ova vest se može uzeti s rezervom.. ili delimičnim odlaganjem.. ;)
ex.yu.21 pavijan,
> Umro Franjo Tudjman. ______________________________ Neznam odakle je info ali bih voleo da se zvanicno potvrdi i da se za svaki slucaj utvrdi i obdukcijom i patoloski. :)))))))) Pozdrav od pavijana.
ex.yu.22 goth,
Kako sam ja to cuo: Franjo je otegao papke jos u subotu pre osam dana. Hrvati su zataskavali navodno njegovu smrt da bi neke stvari mogli da svale na njega kasnije, posto objave da je umro. S druge strane, prica se da je to obicna buva iz Ljubljane. Kaze juce ortakova sestra: "Meni ga cak malo i zao!"... Meni je potaman - ako je umro, umro je u agoniji. Mora da su mu se usta jos vise iskrivila...
ex.yu.23 vantic,
-> Obisao sam sve sajtove od hrvatskih preko americkih i -> britanskih, a nigde ni traga od ove vesti. I ja cuh , rece mi neki dalji prijateljev rod iz Hrvatske!
ex.yu.24 pavijan,
> je umro, umro je u agoniji. Mora da su mu se usta jos vise iskrivila... ______________________________ Jeste da je malo zlurado ali nadam se da je tako. :)))) Pozdrav od pavijana.
ex.yu.25 uuud,
>> Umro Franjo Tudjman. Nije umr'o, samo spava ...
ex.yu.26 aandric,
> Umro Franjo Tudjman Nije spasio ga cuko Reks ;) Kazu u Hrvatskoj da kruzi vic da je umro od srece, a mozda je neko malo ograniceniji shvatio bukvalno.
ex.yu.27 obren,
> Franjo je otegao papke jos u subotu pre osam dana. Hrvati su > zataskavali navodno njegovu smrt da bi neke stvari mogli da svale na > njega kasnije, posto objave da je umro. S druge strane, prica se da je > to obicna buva iz Ljubljane. Juče sam pričao sa nekim Croatom iz Zagreba, kaže da je vest definitivno trač, tamo niko nije čuo za to a kaže da se Tudjman pojavljuje i na TV-u. Inače ukoliko niste znali, srpskih izbeglica iz Knina i Krajine ima svega par desetina hiljada... Priče o 500.000 izbeglica koje "proturaju" Srbija i UN su obična propaganda. Imaju i oni svoj RTS... :(
ex.yu.28 bastion,
> Juce sam pricao sa nekim Croatom iz Zagreba, kaze da je vest definitivno > trac, tamo niko nije cuo za to a kaze da se Tudjman pojavljuje i na > TV-u. Nesto ovi iz hrvatske ne vole franju uopste, s kojim god hrvatom da chatujem i kad god pitam legendarno pitanje ("jel crko tudjman") dobijem odgovor:"Nazalost nije, ocekujemo skoro!".... ...i pitanje:"Ocel ovaj vas skoro?"....