Širi naš zavičaj. Proketa i nikad ne prežaljena, majka i maćeha,
ljubljena i omražena... od Vardara pa do Triglava...
Ima li neko slike U2-a sa koncerta u Sarajevu?
**Ima li neko slike U2-a sa koncerta u Sarajevu?
Da ne bi možda onu gde poklanja Aliji knjigu?
> Ima li neko slike U2-a sa koncerta u Sarajevu?
Može jedna pokretna?
Vlada Republike Srpske (RS) uputila je otvoreno pismo šefu misije OEBS-a u BiH
Robertu Froviku u kojem je iznela primedbe povodom izjava nekih zvaničnika
medjunarodne zajednice u vezi sa rezultatima parlamentarnih izbora, koji će
zvanično biti saopšteni do 10. decembra. Kao posebno štetnu i tendencioznu,
vlada je ocenila izjavu visokog predstavnika za BiH Karlosa Vestendorpa i
njegovu čestitku Srpskom narodnom savezu Biljane Plavšić na 20 osvojenih
mandata u Skupštini RS.
Postaje li naklonost i podrška Biljani Plavšić i njenoj partiji prenaglašena,
a odatle i kontraproduktivna?
Na nedavnim parlaemntarnim izborima u Republici Srpskoj, po rezultatima
objavljenim na Palama, nacionalno-patriotske snage (SDS+SRS) su i pored
određenog opadanja u procentima održale ukupnu većinu u Parlamentu, uprkos
značajnom rezultatu debitanta SNS Biljane Plavšić i solidnom plasmanu SPS. U
misiji OEBS za sada se uzdržavaju od izjava dok ne pristignu glasovi iz
inostranstva. O poverenju najbolje svedoče "preventivna" pisma paljanskog
rukjovodstva izbornoj centrali u Beču o nepostojanju valjane dokumentacije za
45.000 od 65.000 glasova iz inostranstva. U saopštenjima vrha SDS naveliko se
govori o predstojećem "izbornom inženjeringu".
ABC News.com: A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans
There are countless explanations for the volatility of the "Balkan
Powderkeg." Historians variously blame disputes over resources, ancient
hatreds or meddling by Great Powers intent on keeping the region unstable.
But geography is also a powerful clue: Lying south of the Danube river, the
Balkans region, like Afghanistan, is composed of scarce fertile valleys,
separated by high mountains that fragment the area's ethnic groups, even
though many have similar languages and origins.
There are countries in the world where political citizenship doesn't mean
anything; it's ethnic identity that matters.
Basques bomb Spanish police stations, agitating for their own state.
Whites and blacks squabble over resources in post-apartheid South Africa,
and even in wealthy Canada, a French-speaking separatist movement is
gaining strength in Quebec.
But it's the Balkans that we think of when a nation splinters apart. It's
the Balkans; mainly Bosnia, Croatia and Serbia; that took center
stage for the U.S. and other major powers for much of this decade, and they
may do so in the next.
"Balkanization"; the term was coined
back in 1912, amid similar chaos; terrifies the industrialized world.
Ethnic civil wars can mean skyrocketing inflation, currency crises or
increased tensions as neighbors watch nervously, or take sides. A collapse
of Bosnia's shaky peace accord could send streams of refugees into Europe,
prompt Iran to protect local Muslims or pit NATO allies against each other
in a regional war.
The 1995 peace agreement reached in Dayton, Ohio was one of the most
elaborate and impressive diplomatic efforts ever. But ethnic divisions in
Bosnia remain strong. The Muslim government won't let displaced Serbs
return home, and Croat and Serb officials return the favor, leaving
millions with nothing from the peace. Indicted war criminals Ratko Mladic
and Radovan Karadzic still walk free, with cheering supporters, and few of
the multi-ethnic town councils mandated by Dayton have actually
It may well be impossible to fix the Balkan problem, and others like it
around the world. But the first step is to understand how the problem
started, and why people disillusioned by centuries of ever-changing borders
see only one solution: an ethnic homeland.
"We don't have a deep appreciation of peoples who base their national
identities on ethnicity," says Dr. Bob Donnorummo, a Balkan expert at the
Universitiy of Pittsburgh. "We have to be aware that these people don't
want to live together."
ABC News.com: A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans
Who's Who in the Balkans?
Ratko Mladic - Bosnian Serb General
Biljana Plavsic - Bosnian Serb President
Slobodan Milosevic - Serbian President
Arkan - Serbian Ethnic Cleanser
Alija Izetbegovic - Bosnian Muslim President
Radovan Karadzic - Former Bosnian Serb Leader
Momcilo Krajisnik - Bosnia-Herz. President
Josip Broz Tito - Yugoslavian Communist Leader
Franjo Tudjman - Croatian President
Milo Djukanovic - Montenegro President
Robert Gelbard - US Envoy
Richard Holbrooke - Dayton Negotiator
Arkan is living proof that you can get away with murder. Leader of a
Serbian paramilitary group, Zeljko Raznatovic (his real name) became one of
the most notorious men in the Balkans, credited with practically inventing
modern "ethnic cleansing."
"To the rest of the world," writes former U.S. Balkan envoy Richard
Holbrooke in his book To End A War, "Arkan was a racist fanatic run amok,
but many Serbs regarded him as a hero. His private army, the Tigers, had
committed some of the war's worst atrocities."
Milso Vlasic, an expert on the Yugoslavian military, charges that all of
the paramilitary killers were "organized with the consent of Milosevic's
secret police and armed, commanded, and controlled by its officers." Before
the Bosnian war, Arkan was famous for his criminal exploits: he robbed
banks, having been imprisoned in and escaped from jails in several European
countries. Some say his success at breaking jail was a result of his other
assassin for the Yugoslav Secretariat of Internal Affairs.
He recently married a Serbian pop singer in a costly wedding and now sits
on the Yugoslavian Parliament.
The new Montenegran President Milo Djukanovic is a young, Western-style
reformer known to send his powerful Serbian neighbor, Slobodan Milosevic,
into fits of rage. Since the other republics seceded, leaving only a union
of Serbia and Montenegro to call themselves "Yugoslavia," Serbia has
expected its tiny southern neighbor to do what it was told. No longer.
Somewhat isolated by their mountainous land, Djukanovic's people have
always been both part of the Serbian brotherhood and proud of their
independent Montenegran heritage.
When Djukanovic beat Milosevic ally President Momir Bulatovic at the polls
last January, Bulatovic organized a riot in which 8,000 protesters threw
rocks, bottles and hand-made bombs at police, injuring 40 people. Angry
U.S. officials told Milosevic that orchestrating violence would keep
sanctions on Yugoslavia in place, and they warned that Djukanovic's
inauguration had better be peaceful. Despite rumors of a coup attempt, it
But his administration has been jarred by conflict with Milosevic ever
since. The Serbian leader refuses to recognize Djukanovic as president and
continues to try to assert control over Montenegran affairs by witholding
tax revenue, customs dues, even car license plates. Montenegro insists it
is a sovereign state that merely handed over certain specific powers to the
Yugoslav federation. Montenegrans, made uncomfortable already by the
fighting in nearby Kosovo, increasingly talk of a push for total
The phrase "crisis narrowly averted" could have been coined for Robert
Gelbard. As the U.S. government's Balkan envoy, his job, essentially, is to
board a plane for the region each time a political brush fire threatens to
become a conflagration.
Gelbard is well qualified after years of foreign service posts in Latin
America, where he has had to negotiate or bully local strongmen with
ranging ambitions or ties to the drug trade. In his new role, in the
Balkans just weeks ago, Gelbard used a bad-cop tactic with Yugoslavian
leader Slobodan Milosevic, hinting at U.S. force if the Serbian failed to
calm violence in Kosovo.
In fall 1997, Gelbard urged Croatian President Franjo Tudjman to hand over
a 12 war-crimes suspects to the UN War Crimes Tribunal. The reward would be
U.S. financial aid. But Tudjman wanted guaranteed leniency for the
defendants. "It's better that they surrender," Gelbard, who would succeed,
told the Croatian leader. "That way they won't be killed."
Then-U.S. Balkan envoy Richard Holbrooke was the chief architect of the
1995 Dayton Peace Accords that ended the war in Bosnia. In three years of
nearly constant trips to the region, he literally cajoled, threatened and
bullied Serbian Slobodan Milosevic, Bosnian Muslim Alija Izetbegovic and
Croatian Franjo Tudjman to the negotiating table. Although Holbrooke drew
criticism for his tactics and self-promotion, his approach seems to have
been right for the Balkans. After watching years of war, the U.S. fi
backed a Croatian and Muslim attack that, along with a series of punishing
NATO air strikes, drove Bosnian Serbs back into Eastern Bosnia. By that
time, Holbrooke had become the U.S. diplomatic point man, pushing the
Bosnian Muslims, Serbs and Croats into the deal that ended the worst
ethnic violence in Europe since World War II.
Holbrooke, 57, is now the U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, and is
considered a lead contender for Secretary of State if Al Gore wins the
presidency in the year 2000. But he still keeps an eye on the Balkans.
Recently, he and Balkan Envoy Robert Gelbard went back to try to convince
Milosevic and his ethnic Albanian opponents to call off the violence in
Kosovo, but they haven't succeeded yet.
Alija Izetbegovic doesn't scare easily. Since he was elected president of
Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992, he has coped with Bosnian Serb armed forces,
Croat militias, brutal attempts to exterminate his Muslim people and a
seemingly indifferent international community, all during a 44-month long
civil war. In fact, Izetbegovic, who is at least 70, experienced much of
the war firsthand while living in besieged Sarajevo for three-and-a-half
years as Serbian gunners shelled the city almost daily.
In 1995, when the smoke cleared, Izetbegovic was still at the head of the
Bosnian government, and he played a significant role in the negotiations
that produced the Dayton peace accords. That deal, signed with Croatian
president Franjo Tudjman and Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic, gave 51
percent of Bosnia-Herzegovina to a Muslim-Croat federation and the
remainder to the Serb Republic. The agreement also set up a collective
presidency for the country. In September, 1996 elections, Izetbegovic won
the Muslim seat of that presidency.
An otherwise scholarly lawyer who once went to jail during Yugoslavia's
Communist period for supporting an "Islamic Declaration," Izetbegovic still
fields Serb accusations that he intends to establish a Muslim theocracy in
Europe. "Our home is in Europe and not in any fundamentalist state," he
says. "My aim is to have an independent, democratic republic."
Ask the Serbs who Radovan Karadzic is, and you might hear that he's a poet,
a former psychiatrist and a Serbian patriot. Ask Bosnian Muslims or Croats,
and you'll hear a different story.
Karadzic, the former leader of the Bosnian Serbs, was indicted for war
crimes in 1995 and has been an international fugitive since. Instantly
recognizable by his shock of unruly hair, he was born in 1945 in the
mountains of Montenegro, the son of a "Chetnik," or Serbian nationalist
guerrilla. As a young man, Karadzic moved to Sarajevo, where he published
books of poetry and eventually became the official psychiatrist to the
Sarajevo national soccer team. When Yugoslavia broke apart after Tito's
death, Karadzic leapt into politics. By July of 1990, he had become head of
the Serbian Democratic Party, a Bosnian Serb organization. The move stunned
his contemporaries, since he had shown scant inclination toward nationalism
before. But Karadzic emerged as o
ne of the leading and most memorable
With General Ratko Mladic, he masterminded offensives during the Bosnian
war that contributed to the deaths of at least 200,000
Although Biljana Plavsic is now the Bosnian Serb president and Karadzic
maintains a far lower profile, the former leader still wields considerable
power. Since his indictment by the UN War Crimes Tribunal, he has
surrounded himself with about a hundred armed bodyguards and frequently
eluded capture. And if UN forces do arrest him, he might escape official
punishment. "There is probably no evidence usable in the public trial that
he ordered those crimes," says Michael Scharf, a former State Department
legal adviser. "It is going to be difficult to convict Karadzic." Don't
expect recantations: In 1971, Karadzic wrote a poem called "Let's Go Down
to the Town and Kill Some Scum."
Momcilo Krajisnick, a dour man with oft-caricatured eyebrows, makes the
West rather nervous. Currently, he is the president of the post-Dayton
collective presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, filling a post that
rotates among Serbs, Croats and Muslims. He is also one of former Bosnian
Serb hardline leader Radovan Karadzic's closest allies and served as
parliamentary speaker in the Bosnian Republika Srpska during the
Western diplomats have alleged that Krajisnick and Serbian President
Slobodan Milosevic also run a brisk black market monopoly on gasoline and
cigarettes (among other things) in Serbian Bosnia that earns them millions
of dollars, while simultaneously robbing the Government of tax revenue.
Slobodan Milosevic, called the "Butcher of the Balkans" by some and revered
as a hero by others, was born on August 29, 1941, just as World War II was
tearing the Balkans apart. Fifty years later, he was the leader of a
Serbian state, bringing war and chaos back to the region as he tried to
expand his borders to include all Serbs in an ethnic
Milosevic is only the most recent of many Serbian leaders to harbor that
ambition. Serbs still tell and retell stories of their medieval state's
glory and its crushing, death-before-surrender defeat to Turks at the
Battle of Kosovo in 1389. But Milosevic and his predecessors had the same
problem: Serbs live intermingled with other ethnic groups, in other
countries unwilling to hand over large chunks of land. Tito's Communist
regime kept Serbia divided into several provinces and suppressed Serb
secessionist threats with military prowess. Milosevic grew up in this
environment, graduating from Belgrade University with a law degree, joining
Yugoslavia's Communist Party, and heading both the state gas extraction
company and the country's central bank. He was the leader of the Belgrade
Communist Party from 1978 to 1982, and in 1987 he rose to head of the
Serbian Communist Party.
When Yugoslavia began to collapse in the 1990s (see timeline), Milosevic
deftly reinvented himself. Harnessing the political power of
long-suppressed Serb nationalism, he became leader of Serbia, where he used
the Yugoslav army to support Serbian populat
ions and militias in Croatia
and Bosnia during the 44-month long civil war there.
Milosevic, nicknamed "Slobo," has repeatedly drawn accusations of
sponsoring so-called "ethnic cleansing." Meanwhile, Serbia's economy has
dragged under sweeping international sanctions. Yet, unrattled and
extremely popular among Serbs, he seems to have no intention of altering
his course or relinquishing power.
"Why would Serbs want to rape Muslim women?" General Ratko Mladic asks in
the documentary film Calling the Ghosts. "They're too ugly."
These days, stubborn, bull-necked Mladic, the wartime commander of the
Bosnian Serb forces and an indicted war criminal, stays holed up in his
heavily guarded headquarters, complicating any attempt to arrest him. (NATO
has orders bring him in on sight.) How hard would it be? The bunker he
hides in was originally designed to protect Yugoslavian leader Tito from a
Mladic, who like fellow fugitive Radovan Karadzic remains popular among
Serbs, swears that he committed no war crimes during his leadership of
Bosnian Serb forces during the 44-month civil war.
"I am just a man who defends his people," he said last year, claiming that
Croatians and Muslims started the war against Serbs and should be condemned
by the international community.
He's not a subtle man. In July, 1995, Mladic had aides slice a pig open in
front of Dutch peacekeepers and told them, "This is what we're going to do
to the Muslims." At least one Muslim escapee from the town of Srebrenica,
where as many as 8,000 Muslims
were killed by Serbian forces, says he saw
the general watching a mass execution.
In a 1995 interview with Time, he said, "We cannot accept the occupation of
any square millimeter of Serb land. We didn't begin this war, and we didn't
declare this war. The war was begun and declared on us by the same people
who in 1914 and 1941, togeth
er with the Austro-Hungarian empire and German
fascists, joined against the Serbs."
Biljana Plavsic was something of a shock to the Bosnian Serbs. Taking
Radovan Karadzic's place in the leadership, she started her presidency with
Serb power brokers expecting her to be pliable. They were wrong. Plavsic,
although by no means a close ally of the West, keeps her own
She has little affection for Karadzic, with whom she is constantly feuding.
Her campaign aims to discredit such Serb hardliners by accusing the wartime
leaders of getting rich through profiteering, corruption and black market
deals while their people suffered.
Although he is officially retired, her predecessor remains tremendously
powerful. Karadzic recently releasing a long public letter to his
followers, demanding that they block the formation of Plavsic's latest
government. This is not the kind of help she needs. Terribly short of
money, the Bosnian Serb state has been unable to pay for pensions,
government salaries or the day-to-day work of schools and hospitals. And
Western diplomats say that privation is eroding the support she has.
Meanwhile, hundreds of millions of dollars in reconstruction and
development aid are waiting for delivery to Bosnian Serbs. But others in
the Bosnian Serb leadership refuse to abide by conditions of the Dayton
accord, which call for a united Bosnia and the return of more than a
million displaced people to their homes in the Bosnian Serb republic. As a
result, aid to the Serbs has been withheld for the fiscal years 1996, 1997
An infusion of money to Plavsic's government could bolster her popularity
and show Serbs that there were benefits to cooperation with the
international peace effort. It could also backfire in a subsequent
election, should she be labeled a Western pawn.
Josip Broz Tito
Josip Broz, better known as Tito, ran Communist Yugoslavia from 1945 to
1980. After spending the World War II years leading his partisans in their
battle against German occupiers, the Croatian Ustasha, and the royalist
Chetnik guerrillas, Tito found hims
elf the sole ruler of Yugoslavia.
Intending to avoid the brutal ethnic infighting that characterized the war,
Tito was determined that Yugoslavia would be both multinational and
Marxist-Leninist. But since the charismatic leader was unwilling to part
with any of his hard-won authority, Yugoslavia also became a personal
dictatorship and a one-party state.
His death in May, 1980, ended Yugoslavian stability overnight. Instead of
pushing the country toward a multi-party democracy, or even selecting an
authoritarian heir, Tito had arranged for an inherently unstable rotating
presidency. Leaders were selected by the assemblies of Yugoslavia's six
republics and two autonomous regions, in a system that created conflict,
constitutional deadlock and political paralysis.
Croatian President Franjo Tudjman, the self-proclaimed "father of the
nation," has held the post since Croatia's first multi-party elections in
1990. He was re-elected in June, 1997, for a third five-year term.
Croatians had good reason to back him. Under Tudjman, Croatia regained
control of the Krajina region after Serbian occupation. Inflation has been
low, and the national economy has finally stabilized and begun to
For such reasons, Croatians are willing to overlook the fact that their
president sometimes acts more like a king. His personal guard sports
elaborate uniforms designed by the Zagreb ballet company. At state events,
he is surrounded by a mounted guard of the country's top horsemen, and
every time he appears in public, a general in uniform stands a correct few
feet behind him.
At Tudjman's palace, the daily schedule proceeds according to elaborate
court protocol and receives attentive coverage on the state-controlled
There are no official "meetings" with Tudjman; instead, "audiences" are
"granted." But Tudjman's popularity in Croatia has deep roots. In the
1960s, he left the privileged life in the Yugoslav Communist Party to
become an academic and a Croatian nationalist who issued stinging
critiques of Yugoslavia's human rights violations. Tito repaid him with
years in prison. Tudjman's defense of the Ustasha, the fascist party that
slaughtered, killed and forcibly converted thousands of Serbs during World
War II, still enrages Serbs today. They may be gratified that he probably
won't last much longer. The 77-year-old has stomach cancer, and public
attention is squarely focused on jostling among his would-be successors.
ABC News.com: A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans
Aftermath of a 'Shotgun Wedding'
Can the Peace Treaty Last?
By Terence Nelan
As the casualties mounted in Bosnia three years ago, the U.S. and Europe
could no longer ignore outcries to step in and end the fighting.
But they also wanted to avoid entanglement
in a bloody Balkan war. And most European leaders, as well as NATO and the
U.S. military, thought attacking to force peace was a terrible idea.
Finally, they acted. In August, 1995, NATO planes launched more than 500
air strikes on Bosnian Serb targets. The result of that campaign, plus
masterly U.S. diplomacy and a military pushback by Serbian enemies, was a
previously unthinkable peace agreement three months later in Dayton,
Still, it was a shotgun wedding. What worked in the heat of
negotiations - U.S. Envoy Richard Holbrooke's notorious arm-twisting and
the threat of more air strikes should Dayton fail - provided little guarantee
of a united future for Serbs, Croats and Muslims who had tried to force each
other from their lands for centuries.
"You may kill half of us, but you better watch out, because the other half
will still be left." - Serbian woman soldier on the front lines, 1993
Although NATO forces (including 8,000 U.S. troops) remain in Bosnia to keep
the peace, Dayton provisions are routinely ignored by all sides.
National and local elections took place, but few of the multi-ethnic town
councils have actually met. The men and women who run the Muslim-Croat
federation have said they simply don't trust each other very much, and they
trust the Bosnian Serbs with whom they now theoretically share a
country - even less.
Antipathy, Not Synergy
The result: almost none of the state institutions intended to work jointly
with the Serbian republic actually operate, while the central authority is
too weak to enforce any cooperation.
And since the Muslims, Croats and Serbs barely communicate, it is
unsurprising that they do not enforce provisions that require free passage
across borders for Bosnian citizens. All three sides forbid former refugees
to return to their homes.
Ironically, the stalemates could have more to do with the Dayton principles
that have been followed than with the ones that have been ignored.
"Dayton was a brilliantly negotiated agreement to support a dubious
objective," says General Charles G. Boyd, former Deputy Commander in Chief,
U.S. European Command. "It created a nation where no common sense of
national community existed, so as to provide an economically viable entity
in which the Muslim population of Bosnia could not only survive but
But Dayton's framers, unwilling to separate ethnic groups geographically,
included the Serbs and the Croats in that state, even though still have no
desire to live as minorities in a state dominated by Muslims. They have
already gone to war once to avoid it.
As long as the troops remain, the cease-fire will likely hold. But if the
thousands of NATO soldiers leave, the conflict could reignite—because
of the Dayton treaty, not despite it.
ABC News.com: A Beginner's Guide to the Balkans
We'd like to thank our readers for the hundreds of e-mails we
received in response to our Balkan's package. Some were
complimentary, some were critical and others raised questions. Below is a
representative sample of questions with our answers. We'll add more
as we can.
Were the Balkans at one time part of the now-defunct Soviet Union?
- G Ballard
No. The Balkans, which were largely encompassed by the former
Yugoslavia, did not even share a border with the former Soviet Union.
Although the former Yugoslavia was a communist state, its ruler, Josip Broz
Tito, broke with Soviet leader Josef Stalin in 1948, when he refused to
become a Soviet satellite. Yugoslavia successfully remained outside the
orbit of Soviet control while maintaining good relations with the West.
What is Macedonia's role in the current conflict? Is it being overrun
by refugees? Is the population made up of Serbs and Muslims? When did
Macedonia become self-governing? Did Tito also run the Macedonian region?
- J.D. Miller
I noticed that the account of the civil war given in your timeline fails to
mention when and how Macedonia became a separate nation. Would you please
describe to me this aspect of recent events?
- Jim Kuemmerle
Macedonia has managed to steer clear of the most recent Balkan upheavals,
but a full-fledged rebellion in Kosovo could easily draw Macedonia into the
fray. UN officials, who have posted peacekeepers at the border, fear Yugoslav
troops could pursue Macedonian Albanians across it, encounter a Macedonian
army unit and open fire. The nation’s 2 million people are 66.5
percent Slavic Macedonian, 22.9 percent ethnic Albanian, 4 percent Turkish,
3 percent gypsy and 2 percent Serb. Macedonia gained its independence
peacefully from Yugoslavia in 1992 and was indeed once ruled by Tito.
I have a hard time accepting that Catholics would do this. Are Serbians
Orthodox Catholics? And how can someone be a Bosnian-Serb? Wouldn't
you be Bosnian or a Serb? I didn't understand the distinction between
- Jennifer Dougherty
Serbians are predominantly Eastern
Orthodox, Croats are predominantly Catholic and Muslims are, of course,
Muslim. And each group, regardless of their respective religions, has blood
on its hands. The Balkans are an ethnically complex region, where borders
do not - and in fact rarely do - coincide with a given nation of
people. Despite the "ethnic cleansing" practiced by all sides
during the recent war, the region remains an ethnic stew, and some groups,
like the so-called Krajina Serbs, have lived in Croatia since 1690.
Bosnia-Herzegovina, for instance, is 44 percent Muslim, 31 percent Serb, 17
percent Croat, and another 8 percent of other ethnic groups. The term
Bosnian Serb denotes an ethnic Serb from Bosnia.
What was Tito's basic ingredient of success in establishing ethnic
peace in Yugoslavia?
- Jan Van der Schaar
It's often said that
during Tito's rule, Yugoslavia had six republics, five nations, four
languages, three religions, two alphabets and one party - the Communist
party. The son of a Croatian father and a Slovene mother, Tito believed and
enforced the idea of a Yugoslav nation, a diverse collection of peoples
where all ethnic groups and religions were respected, but where nationalism
was not tolerated. And like many Communist leaders, Tito - who was determined
to avoid a repeat of the ethnic bloodshed during World War II - kept a lid on
simmering ethnic tensions by ruling with an iron hand and a liberal use of
his secret police.
> Ratko Mladic - Bosnian Serb General
> Biljana Plavsic - Bosnian Serb President
> Slobodan Milosevic - Serbian President
> Arkan - Serbian Ethnic Cleanser
> Alija Izetbegovic - Bosnian Muslim President
> Radovan Karadzic - Former Bosnian Serb Leader
> Momcilo Krajisnik - Bosnia-Herz. President
Ovaj se razume u balkan ko' moja baba u kompjutere
>> > Ratko Mladic - Bosnian Serb General
>> > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
>> > Biljana Plavsic - Bosnian Serb President
>> > ^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^
>> Ovaj se razume u balkan ko' moja baba u kompjutere
Ma, najbolje je Arkanovo zanimanje prema dotičnom tekstu: etnički čistač.
>>Ma, najbolje je Arkanovo zanimanje prema doticnom tekstu: etnicki
Zvuchi kao proizvod za teleshop ;>
Videh u jednoj trafici Zmaj-Iskra baterije. Na njima piše: Made in EC.
>>Videh u jednoj trafici Zmaj-Iskra baterije. Na njima pise: Made in EC.
Ja ih imam i nisu lose. Nisam ni video kad sam kupovao sta sam kupio
Nemojte me podsecati na onu: Cime se glup ponosi, pametan se stidi...
>>> Videh u jednoj trafici Zmaj-Iskra baterije. Na njima pise:
> Made in EC.
> Ja ih imam i nisu lose. Nisam ni video kad sam kupovao sta sam
Ma ok, ali poenta je u onome "EC". Računaju da su ih već primili...
A mi nismo ni u ujedinjenim nacijama. ;(
}} A mi nismo ni u ujedinjenim nacijama. ;(
Smatram za izuzetnu chast , to sto nismo deo te bagre tamo.
> Smatram za izuzetnu chast , to sto nismo deo te bagre tamo.
Kiselo je groždje, a? ;)
Umro Franjo Tudjman.
> Umro Franjo Tudjman.
Otkud ti ovo?
Obisao sam sve sajtove od hrvatskih preko americkih i
britanskih, a nigde ni traga od ove vesti.
> Otkud ti ovo?
Nemam dokaze, na žalost.
Izvinjavam se što ovo nisam stavio u 'trač' ali čuo sam da je tu
vest rano jutros objavio HTV.. U poslednjih par dana aktivnost u
državnom vrhu Hrvatske je preuzeo zamenik predsednika i ova vest
se može uzeti s rezervom.. ili delimičnim odlaganjem.. ;)
> Umro Franjo Tudjman.
Neznam odakle je info ali bih voleo da se zvanicno potvrdi i da se za svaki
slucaj utvrdi i obdukcijom i patoloski.
Pozdrav od pavijana.
Kako sam ja to cuo:
Franjo je otegao papke jos u subotu pre osam dana. Hrvati su zataskavali
navodno njegovu smrt da bi neke stvari mogli da svale na njega kasnije, posto
objave da je umro. S druge strane, prica se da je to obicna buva iz Ljubljane.
Kaze juce ortakova sestra: "Meni ga cak malo i zao!"... Meni je potaman - ako
je umro, umro je u agoniji. Mora da su mu se usta jos vise iskrivila...
-> Obisao sam sve sajtove od hrvatskih preko americkih i
-> britanskih, a nigde ni traga od ove vesti.
I ja cuh , rece mi neki dalji prijateljev rod iz Hrvatske!
> je umro, umro je u agoniji. Mora da su mu se usta jos vise iskrivila...
Jeste da je malo zlurado ali nadam se da je tako. :))))
Pozdrav od pavijana.
>> Umro Franjo Tudjman.
Nije umr'o, samo spava ...
> Umro Franjo Tudjman
Nije spasio ga cuko Reks ;)
Kazu u Hrvatskoj da kruzi vic da je umro od srece, a mozda je
neko malo ograniceniji shvatio bukvalno.
> Franjo je otegao papke jos u subotu pre osam dana. Hrvati su
> zataskavali navodno njegovu smrt da bi neke stvari mogli da svale na
> njega kasnije, posto objave da je umro. S druge strane, prica se da je
> to obicna buva iz Ljubljane.
Juče sam pričao sa nekim Croatom iz Zagreba, kaže da je vest definitivno
trač, tamo niko nije čuo za to a kaže da se Tudjman pojavljuje i na TV-u.
Inače ukoliko niste znali, srpskih izbeglica iz Knina i Krajine ima svega
par desetina hiljada... Priče o 500.000 izbeglica koje "proturaju" Srbija
i UN su obična propaganda. Imaju i oni svoj RTS... :(
> Juce sam pricao sa nekim Croatom iz Zagreba, kaze da je vest definitivno
> trac, tamo niko nije cuo za to a kaze da se Tudjman pojavljuje i na
Nesto ovi iz hrvatske ne vole franju uopste, s kojim god hrvatom
da chatujem i kad god pitam legendarno pitanje ("jel crko tudjman")
dobijem odgovor:"Nazalost nije, ocekujemo skoro!"....
...i pitanje:"Ocel ovaj vas skoro?"....